Reflections of a Scholar-Politician on the Leadership-Peace Nexus and Praxis in Africa

Leadership-Peace Nexus in Africa: Reflections of a Scholar-Politician
By
Kayode Fayemi
1. I would like to thank the colleagues and friends who put this conference together for the
invitation extended to me to participate as a keynote speaker this morning. I have been asked to
share my reflections on the vital topic of the leadership-peace nexus in Africa as a
Scholar-Politician. In particular, let me single out Dr Wale Ismail who pestered me endlessly for
the initiative taken. Let me start by saying this is not merely an intellectual exercise for me; it is
a subject that has shaped my personal journey and profoundly influenced my understanding of
the challenges we face in our societies. Allow me to take you back in time, to an era filled with
danger, uncertainty and youthful exuberance. It was the 1980s and 1990s, a period when dissent
and activism in my home country- Nigeria and many African countries carried real, deadly
risks. During those dark days, I found myself at the forefront of a resistance movement against
a military dictatorship that sought to stifle democracy and silence opposition. Exile became my
reality, as I fought for the very principles that underpin the topic of discussion today.
2. In the face of adversity, I spearheaded the establishment of the opposition radio - Radio Kudirat,
a powerful resistance movement radio station which became the official voice of the Nigerian
opposition to military dictatorship. Through its airwaves, we fearlessly voiced our opposition to
the oppressive regime, fighting for justice, freedom, and the restoration of the 1993 annulled
elections. It is with immense pride and humility that I acknowledge the role my efforts played
in paving the way for Nigeria's eventual transition to democracy. But let me be clear, my
involvement in activism was just one facet of a much broader tapestry of engagements. For over
three decades, I delved into rigorous scholarship, immersing myself in the intricate issues of
development, security, and governance in Africa. As a scholar, I pursued a PhD in War Studies,
specialising in Civil-Military Relations and graduated from these hallowed portals thirty years
ago. I was honoured to contribute to the development of norms and standards on
peace-building, conflict management and security sector governance in the Economic
Community of West African States (ECOWAS) when I worked alongside many colleagues like
Professors Olonisakin and Alao on the institutional strengthening of ECOWAS that ultimately
positioned it as the preeminent regional integration organisation and on the African Peace and
Security Architecture (APSA) in the continental body - African Union. These experiences
granted me a firsthand understanding of the complexities involved in forging effective
leadership for peace.
3. I also helped other multilateral bodies like UNECA and OECD-DAC and bilateral development
assistance institutions like DfID to develop norms and principles of Security Sector
Governance. We even worked on developing key peace agreements that contributed to the
resolution of crises in Sierra Leone and Liberia like the Lome Peace Agreement and the Accra
Peace Accord. Through these roles, I engaged in shaping policies and strategies that addressed
issues of governance, democratisation, and security sector reform. I did all these through the
organisation I led at the time - the Centre for Democracy and Development (CDD) – a
foremost policy think tank and advocacy body which works on bridging the gap between
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scholarship and policy on peace building, democratisation and human security. However, my
journey did not stop at scholarship and advising. I accepted the dare to immerse myself in the
den of the lions - the tumultuous world of Nigerian politics, a realm known for its challenges
and demands on one's fortitude. Yet, with unwavering dignity, steely resolve, civility, and
integrity, I have navigated the treacherous minefield of partisan politics and emerged here to
reflect on my experience. As a two-term governor, federal minister, and chair of the Nigeria
Governors' Forum, I worked tirelessly to bridge the gap between academia, policy, and the
realities on the ground and recently emerged as the President of the Forum of Governors on the
continent engaging leaders on the dynamics of conflict, development and governance.
4. Implicit in the overarching theme of this conference is the assumption that leadership is an
important part of the puzzle that has developed in recent times about peace and peace-building.
Based on my own experience as a scholar and practitioner, I can say from the outset that it is an
assumption I can relate with largely. In matters of peace, security, and stability, leadership
matters. However, that is the easier part of the task at hand.
5. As someone who has held public office, I have witnessed firsthand the transformative power of
well-crafted policies in improving the lives of individuals. I have seen governance make a
tangible difference in people's lives. Moreover, I have been a witness to the remarkable ability
of leadership to inspire and motivate people simply through the sheer force of personal
example. I have chosen to focus on the leadership angle because I believe that we can move
beyond theoretical discussions and delve into the realm of practical implementation, leveraging
my insider experience as someone who transitioned from academia to activism to politics.
Together, we shall explore the underlying issues, prospects, and challenges that shape our
pursuit of effective leadership for a brighter, more peaceful future for the African continent. In
the time available to me, I would like to unpack the leadership-peace nexus drawing on insights
and lessons of experience accumulated during my years of sojourn in Nigerian politics and
involvement across the continent in peacebuilding.
Demystifying Leadership in the African Governance Experience
6. Everyone of us in this conference can attest to the fact that the last two decades at least in
Africa has witnessed a considerable investment in leadership development on the continent. The
wide range of initiatives that have been launched mostly came from a good place: An observed
failure, deficit, or dearth of leadership which seemed to compound the problems of a continent
already saddled with many difficulties. There was also a desire deliberately to nurture and equip
a next generation of leaders who would have the necessary aptitude, vision, and savvy to
navigate an increasingly complex world.
7. No one can quarrel with the underlying thinking that fired interest in the many leadership
programmes and projects that sprang up across the continent. However, there was also inbuilt
into that thinking, a gap which was not adequately taken into account: The needed institutional
framework and processes within which leadership can effectively exercise its role. It did not
take me long after my entry into Nigerian politics to wake up to this reality. Leaders may be
well-intentioned and even well-groomed but without the functioning and effective institutional
system in place, their efforts will be severely constrained.
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8. The assumption in most African countries that leadership is simply about getting the right
individuals into office and then watch him/her from the sidelines apply his/her magical powers
to resolving all societal problems is as false as it is misleading. One of the first lessons I learnt
is that leadership is not a solo effort but a team one. It is best exercised when it is underpinned
with an appropriate infrastructure of policy, politics, and power. Its critical actions are best
sustained not by the charisma of one leadership figure but by the broadness of the consensus
that is built around them and the beneficial impact which they register.
9. The tendency in mainstream literature to portray the leader as the author or source of all
policies and actions is one which also requires, based on my experience, to be nuanced. The
drivers of public policies are numerous. They exist within and outside the governmental system.
The individual who sits at the top of the political and administrative system may, symbolically,
have ultimate moral and material responsibility for all the acts of omission and commission that
involve government but it is erroneous to assume s/he has sole or even total ownership of those
acts. A political leader may assume responsibility for the actions of the government - as should
be expected - but May in fact not be the author or owner of all such actions.
10. The foregoing explains why for me, leadership is not simply or solely about absolutised power
exercise in a monopolistic fashion. Rather, it is about the dexterity to manage contending
socio-political currents within and outside government in a manner that gives citizens an
assurance that there is an authority who is ultimately in charge both as actor, catalyst, referee,
and conscience. A successful leader is not the one who is portrayed or self-portrays as
omnipotent, omnipresent, and/or omniscient. Rather success is built within the framework of a
capability to balance the demands of an equitable governance and the calls of service with the
exigencies of leading society to new and greater heights through a careful nurturing of the
collective ambitions of the populace for progress and transformation.
11. Understood in terms of a bearer of the public purpose, the leader, in the true deconstruction of
the notion, will not only have a duty to represent the will of the people but also a duty to ensure
that only the forward-looking, inclusive, secular, and cosmopolitan in the expression of the
public will are harnessed and deployed for societal advancement. This is a point which I made
repeatedly in different ways to my colleagues in government at the state and federal levels; it is
an issue which I always reiterated to my peers as Governors and Ministers.
12. The temptation is always very strong as a leader to take the simple, even simplistic option of
just flowing with the wind in the name of following the expressed will of the “people”. And yet,
the “people” may, based on the limited information and perspective at their disposal, be driven
to mass action in a particular direction. Leaders, on the other hand, are privy to a much broader
information base and diverse perspectives on account of their role and duties. They have a
responsibility, therefore, to listen carefully to their publics, but also a duty to lead those publics
in the interpretative narratives that can make the difference between stability and chaos, peace
and conflict, and security and insecurity.
13. This is the only sense in which for me, leadership can be seen and understood as representing a
higher calling: An ability to understand the many contradictions that shape everyday life and to
be able to relate to them in the way they are played out in the experiences of the populace but a
refusal to be imprisoned by those same contradictions, seeking instead to rise above them and to
carry a critical mass of the populace along. I have, in this regard as a public figure and
politician, had many occasions to try to balance the exigencies of short-term gain with the
imperatives of a medium and long-term outcome which will ultimately be beneficial to all - or
at least to the resounding majority.
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14. I have to confess that this balancing act is not always easy. It involves a readiness to sacrifice
some immediate popularity that an unbridled populism may confer for a more enduring, longer
term, and sustainable benefit that a more sober and considered choice may offer. It carries the
risk that a focus on the ultimate good may not even be appreciated by a public that is intent on
instant gratification in one form or another. There are many stories I can tell about this,
including the much quoted notion of the “stomach infrastructure” that was deployed as a
campaigning counter to the massive infrastructure renewal and expansion exercises that I tried
to pursue as Governor during my first term.
15. Leadership is not, therefore, the bed of roses it may sometimes be portrayed to be. It is, in fact,
a school of life, replete with many teaching and learning moments that are often not captured in
most curricula. The leader who is on a permanent lifelong trajectory of learning whilst also
sharing is one who can be described as living, not deadened by the allures of office and power.
And there are leaders of that kind who have traversed our political, social, economic, and
cultural universes, leaving their mark in the sands of time as references for us to emulate. For
those who have had as their vacation the study of leadership in Africa, it is an invitation to be
much more critical of the omnibus stereotypes of leadership on the continent as popularised by
the neo-patrimonial school, for example.
Leadership for a Just and Sustainable Peace
16. I have taken the time to dwell on the importance of unpacking our understanding of leadership
as a prelude to delving into my take on the nexus between leadership and peace. Here, it is also
important to clarify from the outset that peace, as many here - Funmi Olonisakin, Abiodun
Alao, Wale Ismail, etc - have extensively written about, is not simply the absence of violent
conflict and/or open instability. I am also of the strong view that for leadership to contribute to
winning and sustaining the peace, it must on a constant and ongoing basis pay attention to the
underlying and structural drivers of conflict that are embedded in our societies and which can
sometimes prove to be unyielding or difficult to uproot decisively. They must, nevertheless, be
tackled frontally as a first line responsibility of leaders.
17. Of the structural drivers of conflict and instability that undermine the peace in Africa, two
inter-connected ones are particularly important to me: poverty and inequality. The twin
problems of poverty and inequality has, in recent years, been the scourge of development in
Africa. It is at the root of the many other contradictions, failings, and shortcomings that have
fed discontent and fueled public anger. I argue, and many here I am sure will agree, that these
twin problems are at the heart of the crisis of development and cohesion which we are
witnessing all around us. They provide the underlying context for understanding why religious
extremism, ethnic irredentism, inter-communal conflicts, gender-based violence,
inter-generational discords, and a multifaceted criminality have been on the ascendancy.
18. For those who have spent the better part of their time conflating cause and symptom or
abstracting symptoms from context and absolutising them as independent variables, the point
that needs to be reiterated for their benefit is that the regular African does not wake up thinking
primarily about how to drive an ethnic, sectional, or religious agenda. To be sure, we are all
bearers of multiple identities and in the plural contexts in which we function, we are called
upon to negotiate these identities on an ongoing basis. They, however, assume a parochial
dimension under given circumstances. Poverty and inequality, as they expand and ossify, have
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been known to feed into parochialisms, irredentism, and exclusionary ideologies of various
kinds. And this is where leadership of a political conscious and enlightened type is required.
19. A primary duty of any political leadership is the incremental improvement in the welfare, social
mobility, and wellness of the citizenry, the security of the populace, the cohesion of society,
and the enhancement of the productive capacity of the country. These are all closely
inter-connected purposes of nation-building and statecraft. They comprise the first order
domains of leadership action by which a just peace may be secured and sustained. Investing
continuously and assiduously in them ensures the existence of the core foundational pillars
upon which other things can be added in order to nurture a culture of just and sustainable peace
in the governance system. It is an important lesson we learnt very quickly as a government in
Ekiti State where we introduced a raft of social policy initiatives designed to address some of
the root causes of the various discontents that were threatening societal harmony and political
order. And we did these despite the fact that Ekiti is not among the richest of the states that
make up the Nigerian federation.
20. As noted in the foregoing, tackling the structural drivers of exclusion and social injustice is a
sine qua non for winning the just peace. Building on this, the most enlightened leadership also
invests itself in nurturing the management of diversity at different levels and in different
departments. Ethnic and religious diversities are , understandably, usually the most frequently
cited areas where a concerted effort is required to manage diversity but they are not the only
ones. Leaders also need to understand and nurture a culture of pluralism, secularism, and
cosmopolitanism in order to ensure that every citizen is given an opportunity to explore,
experiment, and exhale in the pursuit of their ambitions for self-actualisation. The real hope
which a citizen may hold that a better day is possible, and not just a mirage or a forlorn hope, is
usually sufficient to keep them engaged. The fact that citizens feel that they have a real fighting
chance to build a better tomorrow for themselves is normally a sufficient foundation on which
to win their consent and patriotic commitment to the common good.
21. In an age of massive awareness propelled by the revolution in information and communication
technologies, leaders of all categories are under much greater scrutiny than perhaps ever before.
In my view, long term peace that is just must also be accompanied with leadership by example.
Today’s leader in a highly networked world functioning on a fast track must consciously and
consistently strive to be an embodiment of the values and norms that make for good society
where every citizen can aspire to be at peace with themselves and their fellow compatriots. This
is not to say that there must always be perfection; perfection in all human affairs is an ideal
which we strive for on a continuous basis in our collective quest for an unfinished greatness.
What I am calling for is that leadership, as part of its commitment to a just peace, must also
make excellence a watch word.
On Democracy, Leadership and Peace in Africa
22. Africa has, unfortunately, witnessed increased insecurity which is manifesting through the
outbreak of devastating conflicts the latest of which are occurring in the Horn of Africa, in
Ethiopia and Sudan. Official estimates put the fatalities from the Tigray conflict alone at over
600,000 deaths while the ongoing carnage in Sudan has already accounted for close to a
thousand deaths and hundreds of thousands displaced. The continent is also witnessing
increased activities of rogue and/or mercenary groups, whose modus operandi reflects the
transnational nature of organised crime, such as the Wagner group’s operations in the Sahel and
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parts of the Horn of Africa - further fuelling conflicts. This is reminiscent of the role of
Sandline and Executive Outcomes in the 1990s. Added to this is the increasing occurrence of
military coup d'etats and unconstitutional change of governments on the continent, as seen in
Burkina Faso, Chad, Guinea, Mali, Sudan and failed attempts in Guinea Bissau and Niger.
Many of these changes are also linked to increased geopolitical contests across the globe. For
example, Chad enjoys the support of France and Mali, Guinea and Burkina Faso enjoy the
support of Russia.
23. What is not in doubt is that these conflicts have hampered development, perpetuated poverty,
and shattered the social fabric of our nations. But they have also served as a sobering reminder
of the urgent need to address the leadership-peace nexus. We have to acknowledge that there’s
been a leadership deficit in response to conflict, especially in the last decade and this directly
affects the quality and quantity of collective decisions and interventions made to address shared
security threats , as well as the collective approach to development of peace and security policy.
The deficit has resulted in limited or no action to deal with the most severe threats to our peace
and stability. Two examples - it took the African Union close to a year to work out a formula to
tackle the Tigray conflict, the worst global conflict so far in the 21st century. We are also
witnessing, rather helplessly, the unfolding carnage in Sudan , without the operationalisation of
any framework or roadmap , three months after the outbreak of the conflict. This has exposed
the weak underbelly of our regional and sub-regional institutions mandated to tackle threats to
peace and stability.
24. We cannot afford to overlook the interplay between effective leadership and sustainable peace if
we are to achieve the prosperous future we envision for our continent. There is no doubt that the
political will of African leaders has reduced considerably. The challenge to APSA and other
normative frameworks is not emanating from the lack of quality or proven effectiveness of the
African Peace and Security Architecture. There is empirical evidence on the successes recorded
over time in direct peacemaking interventions by African states, by the continental body -
African Union, by the Regional Economic Communities such as ECOWAS. The challenge is a
lack of political will and action.
25. To address these challenges and work towards sustainable peace, it is crucial to emphasise the
interdependence between leadership and peacebuilding. There is a need for a new generation of
leaders who possess the potential to bridge divides and promote peace and security. Young
people fit into this box as they are capable of transcending fixed identities, advocating for
diversity, justice, reconciliation, accountability, and transparency. By empowering individuals to
become agents of change, leadership becomes central to the process of transformation and
peace. Creating a space for non-partisan, unbiased, and neutral approaches is essential in
fostering unity among people. This requires moving away from divisive narratives and
embracing values such as compassion, cooperation, and care.
26. While military interventions and political strategies have often taken precedence in addressing
conflicts, it is vital to prioritise a humanitarian approach to healing and social transformation
alongside these measures. Rebuilding for justice and peace should involve everyone, replacing
impunity and separatist narratives with compassion and dignity for all. It is essential to
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acknowledge the lived realities of those most affected by conflicts and to engage in meaningful
conversations to address the fractures within society.
27. In recent years, there has been a growing recognition of the significance of leadership in driving
sustainable development in Africa. The African Union, regional organisations, and various
initiatives have focused on leadership development programs, capacity building, and promoting
ethical and accountable leadership. Intellectual elites, including academics, researchers, and
professionals, have also played a crucial role in shaping African leadership on these issues. The
African Leadership Centre here at King’s College has been central in that peace leadership
development. The Centre provides expertise, knowledge and critical thinking that has informed
policy decisions and contributed to the development of effective leadership practices, norms
and processes. Creating a space for non-partisan, unbiased and neutral approaches is paramount
for fostering peace and unity and one organisation that I'm mostly familiar with which has
successfully brought together official and non-governmental actors in the last two decades is
ECOWAS.
The Role of Regional Organisations in Peacebuilding: The ECOWAS Case
28. The leadership-peace-development nexus can be observed through the experience of the
Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) since the late 1980s. Initially
established in 1975 to foster economic and social integration in West Africa, ECOWAS set
ambitious goals related to trade expansion, infrastructure improvement, monetary cooperation,
and strengthening production structures. However, the outbreak of devastating civil wars in
countries like Liberia, Sierra Leone, Guinea Bissau, and Côte d'Ivoire led to a shift in priorities.
ECOWAS had to de-emphasise its economic objectives and focus on resolving conflicts and
restoring peace in the region, with Nigeria playing a key role - particularly at a time that
witnessed the loss of the imperial security umbrella. Just as Kofi Annan reflected in the UN
Agenda for Peace declaration, it became clear that there can be no peace without development
and there can be no development without peace and security. Sitting at that intersection is the
capable state, providing good governance and delivering public goods to the people. This
experience highlighted the need to prioritise security before development, prompting ECOWAS
to adopt a strategy centred on good governance, human rights, and peaceful conflict resolution
as the foundations for sustainable development.
29. However, in light of emerging threats to peace and stability, it is crucial to foster a collective
response. Almost two decades ago, we advocated for institutionalised collaboration between
ECOWAS and Civil Society in West Africa, leading to the establishment of the West Africa
Civil Society Forum (WACSOF). We were able to do that at the time because the leadership at
ECOWAS also saw the need to deepen engagements with civil society and promote a citizens’ -
driven rather than a government centred ECOWAS. Unfortunately, WACSOF has fallen short
of its intended objectives for various reasons. It is encouraging to see efforts underway to
revitalise WACSOF with active involvement from ECOWAS. Furthermore, it is essential for the
ECOWAS Commission to consistently collaborate with Member States and Civil Society in
implementing its programs. ECOWAS cannot exist in isolation and must remain connected to
its constituent units - the Member States and Civil Society, its core constituency. Therefore, the
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rhetoric of "Moving from an ECOWAS of States into an ECOWAS of the Citizens" must be
matched with concrete action.
30. Earlier, I mentioned previous attempts at institutional reforms and the development of norms
and processes that ECOWAS pioneered three decades ago now facing varying degrees of
non-adherence or being intentionally derailed or frustrated for political reasons. For ECOWAS
to thrive, it must evolve into an effective and modern 21st-century bureaucracy; otherwise, it
risks becoming obsolete. Member States should allow the organisation to lead in deepening
these norms and standards. Regarding leadership at the highest level in ECOWAS, we have
witnessed multiple Executive Secretaries or Presidencies over the past three decades, each with
varying degrees of success. It is evident that appointments based on meritocracy and excellence
have made a positive impact on the organisation. Member States should therefore nominate the
most qualified individuals from their countries to represent them in ECOWAS. The expectations
of the 21st century demand that they no longer send "banished politicians" or blindly loyal
individuals, but rather competent and trusted public servants to the ECOWAS Commission.
31. Equally, while military interventions and political strategies have often taken precedence in
addressing conflicts and ECOWAS has again been a leader in this regard with its pioneering
work in Sierra Leone, Liberia, Guinea Bissau and Cote d’Ivoire, it is also imperative to
prioritise a humanitarian approach to healing and social transformation alongside these
measures. Rebuilding for justice and peace requires the active involvement of everyone,
replacing impunity and separatist narratives with compassion and dignity for all. It is crucial to
acknowledge the lived realities of those most affected by conflicts and engage in meaningful
conversations to address societal fractures.
SCHOLAR-POLITICIAN - TRANSITIONING FROM ACADEMIA TO POLITICS
32. Since you asked me to speak to you as a scholar-politician, another issue of interest to me is the
importance of harmony in this pseudo-division. Intellectual elites, comprising academics,
researchers, and professionals, play a vital role in shaping leadership in Africa. Our expertise,
knowledge, and critical thinking are instrumental in informing policy decisions and advancing
effective leadership practices. But where does the intersection between academia, activism and
politics take place? There exists the impression that there is a difference between academia,
activism and politics, and that it requires moving from one to the other. If one follows this line
of thought, one might be tempted to assume that the three – politics, activism and academia –
are mutually exclusive. There have always been attempts both in recent times and in our not so
recent past to make a distinction between those who engage in advanced study, research and
intellectual pursuits, those who stand at the barricades seeking change in their quest for a better
society, and those who wield power in politics in defence of the State.
33. Indeed, theories have been propounded about State-society relations deepening the difference
between civil society, academia and political society. Scholars or intellectuals can sometimes be
perceived as detached from real-world issues, overly focused on theoretical debates, and
disconnected from practical solutions or societal impact. On the other hand, activists are often
seen as occupying the moral high ground, resolute in their campaign for what they believe in,
often living in utopia in the quest of the unattainable and generally obstinate in the pursuit of
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their beliefs. While politicians are seen to be janus-faced – on the one hand, charismatic,
visionary, fascinating and sophisticated, and on the other, repulsive, cynical, calculating, and
opportunistic. My own interest this morning is really not to indulge in any deep philosophical or
political arguments about these distinctions - many of which you are familiar with but to simply
explore – based on my limited experience, the possibilities of harmony in this
pseudo-dichotomy – to explain that this pattern of categorising people is at best a luxury, and at
worst irrelevant in our own setting.
34. I am going to suggest that this pseudo-divide of academia, activism and politics has impeded
our abilities to connect with each other and work together towards a more positive future. I am
convinced that the structuring of actors on the basis of either/or, and us/them with one of the
other being valued more leads to domination and we need to really try as much as possible to
avoid such separation and fragmentation and work towards community and cohesion.
Consequently, I intend to argue that politics – properly conducted - is a form of social activism
and scholarly engagement and another stage in the struggle to restore the dignity of humankind
– an integrated continuum rather than discretely compartmentalised oppositional phenomena,
often complicated and contradictory, but mostly in the quest to make a fundamental difference
in a continent that looks so divided, engulfed in conflict, and prevailing security and
development challenges.
35. This is why perhaps the issue should not be one of transition to politics from scholarship or
vice-versa but how best to prioritise citizen participation in our fledgling democracies. The
discussion should revolve around fostering effective leadership, nurturing active citizenship,
and promoting a good society because without direct citizen engagement, the legitimacy of our
political institutions will continue to decline. It is essential for political leaders, whether
politicians or scholars, to be concerned about the erosion of trust and participation from average
citizens, as it undermines their ability to lead effectively and jeopardises the governance of our
society. Conversely, when people lose trust in leaders or disregard politicians, it weakens our
democratic institutions and puts us at risk of becoming ungovernable. This, in part, has been
responsible for the conflict ridden situations in many of our countries.
36. While politics may have lost its edge globally and locally, scholars play a vital role in the
discourse by critically examining governance, conflict, peace-building and its limitations within
a predominantly statist world. Scholars provide insights into the complexities of local and
universal ideals, the need for institutional restructuring, and the relationship between
scholarship and politics. They analyse the impact of sudden changes, structural conflict
prevention mechanisms, governance and leadership, as well as the subsequent challenges faced
in a society. Scholars raise questions about the balance between principle and pragmatism, the
potential limitations of military-directed transitions, peace processes, and the risk of
neo-militarism overshadowing civilian, democratic aspirations. They advocate for a deeper
understanding of the nature and implications of democratic openings, urging careful
consideration of the militarised language and character of public discourse.
37. While it is understandable that intellectuals approach the political arena with caution, in
hindsight, scholars and members of civil society, including myself, now recognise that
completely abstaining from political participation is a tactical mistake. For instance in Nigeria,
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the subsequent dominance of the party hierarchy after the return of democracy in 1999 by
retired military generals and their close civilian allies established an environment conducive to
authoritarian presidential governance and merely reconfigured the political landscape instead of
transforming politics. However, despite these circumstances, we could have initiated the
process of organising ourselves along political lines instead of dwelling solely on the
dominance of these elements. After all, we were the ones who risked our lives to fight for the
restoration of democracy in Nigeria, only to withdraw from the political arena when power was
seemingly within reach.
38. In the end, we find ourselves in a democracy without democrats, resulting in a persistent crisis
of governance despite our best efforts. The expectations of our citizens were that democracy
would end military dictatorship, increase ordinary people's participation in politics, and bring
tangible improvements in areas such as employment, healthcare, education, infrastructure, and
basic needs. However, beyond electoral democracy, it has become evident that the nation-state
itself is a source of recurrent conflict. In Nigeria, even those with strong nationalist
backgrounds have begun questioning the country's viability under a centralised state.
Constitutional reform is seen as essential to establishing and sustaining democratic institutions
capable of addressing deepening conflicts. In spite of this, sectarian violence, communal
clashes, ethno-religious tensions, and rising discontent in various parts of Nigeria may not
indicate a failing democracy, but rather a maturing democracy characterised by conflict and
contradictions that should be resolved through mediation, deliberation, negotiations and
genuine leadership. In my opinion, genuine leadership should inspire people to address issues at
the local level, rather than reinforcing the dominance of the state over its citizens. It should
focus on building and strengthening political institutions that can mediate between individual
and group interests. The remnants of authoritarianism in politics have discouraged many from
engaging in politics, although they remain active in their academic endeavours, professions,
neighbourhood associations and community projects. The key challenge of political leadership
therefore is to reconnect democratic choices with people's daily experiences and extend
democratic principles to everyday situations within citizens' communities and constituencies.
39. Political discourse that is consistently negative can alienate ordinary people and contribute to
growing cynicism and disengagement from politics, a phenomenon not unique to Africa but
experienced worldwide. If scholars and academics choose to abstain from participating in the
political process, we risk allowing the political sphere to be dominated by special interests,
populist demagoguery and ethnic divisions that prioritise their own agendas. To address this,
many of us in the Nigerian academia and civil society have sought a middle ground, utilising
our expertise to bridge the gap between intellectualism and partisan politics. We believe that
effective leadership and good governance are essential for sustained peace and must be relevant
to people's lives, addressing issues like corruption, transparency, and improving the well-being
of citizens. Poverty, oppression, and insecurity create fertile ground for violence, and Africans
not only desire democracy but also tangible improvements in their lives that create a peaceful
and dignified environment.
40. In my two decades of working with the government, I have come to realise the importance of
democratising formal and informal institutions for collective responsibility and the exercise of
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state power. Rather than solely relying on academics and civil society, genuine democracy
should involve a rich ecosystem of associational and organisational life, nourished through
everyday struggles.
41. We should avoid overestimating the capacity of intellectuals to challenge the power of
nation-states or corporations. Instead, we should combine the organic development of
autonomous institutions with the use of public and state power for effective mediation and
change. Rather than dwelling on missed opportunities, we should focus on empowering citizens
as agents of change, restoring communitarian values, and creating a future of hope and peace
for our people. To revitalise our continent and improve the lives of our people, we must bridge
the gap between scholarship, activism and politics, recognising that the engagement of
intellectual, academic, and civil society is crucial for the health and legitimacy of the state. By
strengthening institutions, promoting public participation, and pursuing the common good, we
can achieve individual contentment and collective progress, ultimately reaching our desired
destination in our lifetime.
Concluding Remarks
42. The invitation which you kindly extended to me to share some reflections with you today is an
important part of a process of stock-taking which I have embarked upon. I am expecting this to
culminate in a book on lessons of experience from my sojourn in politics and government. I am
certain that when the time comes, you will be kind to me again to offer me a platform to share
some extracts from that book. In the meantime, I thank you for your kind attention as I shared
my take on the leadership-peace nexus in Africa.
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Reflections of a Scholar-Politician on the Leadership-Peace Nexus and Praxis in Africa

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