Refutation of Mr. Sabeyse’s shameful and utterly immoral effort to reduce his country's and nation's 4 millennia long History to just some decades...
In three earlier articles, titled ‘The Nile, Egypt, Abyssinia, Somalia, and Somaliland’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/57815 / republished in 2021 here: https://www.academia.edu/54525765/The_Nile_Egypt_Abyssinia_Somalia_and_Somaliland_2008_), ‘Nile Politics, Egypt, Sudan, Abyssinia, and the Horn of Africa’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/58054 / republished in 2021 here: https://www.academia.edu/54530133/Nile_Politics_Egypt_Sudan_Abyssinia_and_the_Horn_of_Africa_2008_), and and ‘Futureless Somaliland, Somalia, Abyssinia, and Egypt’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/58173 / republished in 2021 here: https://www.academia.edu/54547350/Futureless_Somaliland_Somalia_Abyssinia_and_Egypt_2008_), I refuted Mr. Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse's response to my earlier article ‘Kosova and Somaliland: the Impossible Equation’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/53122 / republished in 2021 here: https://www.academia.edu/43318785/Kosova_and_Somaliland_the_Impossible_Equation_2008).
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First published on 12th April 2008 in American Chronicle, Buzzle and AfroArticles
Global Terrorism and its types and prevention ppt.
Somalia, Renegade Somaliland, and the Abyssinian Fear of Egypt (2008)
1. Somalia, Renegade Somaliland, and
the Abyssinian Fear of Egypt
Refutation of Mr. Sabeyse’s shameful and utterly immoral effort to reduce his
country's and nation's 4 millennia long History to just some decades...
In three earlier articles, titled ‘The Nile, Egypt, Abyssinia, Somalia, and
Somaliland’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/57815 /
republished in 2021 here:
https://www.academia.edu/54525765/The_Nile_Egypt_Abyssinia_Somalia_
and_Somaliland_2008_), ‘Nile Politics, Egypt, Sudan, Abyssinia, and the Horn
of Africa’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/58054 / republished
in 2021 here:
https://www.academia.edu/54530133/Nile_Politics_Egypt_Sudan_Abyssini
a_and_the_Horn_of_Africa_2008_), and and ‘Futureless Somaliland, Somalia,
Abyssinia, and Egypt’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/58173 /
republished in 2021 here:
https://www.academia.edu/54547350/Futureless_Somaliland_Somalia_Aby
ssinia_and_Egypt_2008_), I refuted Mr. Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse's
response to my earlier article ‘Kosova and Somaliland: the Impossible
2. Equation’ (http://www.americanchronicle.com/articles/53122 / republished
in 2021 here:
https://www.academia.edu/43318785/Kosova_and_Somaliland_the_Imposs
ible_Equation_2008).
Mr. Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse's response seems to be a series of articles.
Following his first response (titled 'Kosovo and Somaliland: the Impossible
Equation – The Egyptian Position'), he came back with a second part that -
like the first - was published in several East African portals; it seems he will
go on, and I must admit that I find this juxtaposition as a very good
opportunity for many East African readers (and not only) to seriously mull
over the subject discussed.
Mr. Sabeyse´s second article, titled ‘The Somali Irredentism and Regional
Politics’ (http://www.somalilandtalk.com/node/3229), consists in an effort
to present what was not delivered in the first diatribe, and more specifically to
demonstrate that Egypt's position against a formal recognition of the
breakaway state of Somaliland is due to an Egyptian – Abyssinian rivalry. In
this regard, Mr. Sabeyse fails again to provide solid proofs for his erroneous
assumptions, which resonate Abyssinian racist aberrations, historical forgery,
and political trickery.
In the present article, I will continue my criticism of, and comments on, Mr.
Sabeyse’s second article; I will first re-publish the uncommented part, and
then comment extensively. Numbers encrusted in the text refer to my
comments.
The Somali Irredentism and Regional Politics
By Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse
…………………………………………………..
The people of Somaliland have no desire to fall prey to the tangled web of a
proxy war. 16 Like any other post conflict society, 17 we ask ourselves the
following question: Are we 18 better off charting our own destiny? 19
Certainly we are, compared with the experience of thirty-and-half years of a
dysfunctional union 20 with ‘southern Somalis.’ 21
The professor's one-dimensional analysis 22 has no substance at all- it is an
extension of the preceding rigid Egyptian Foreign policy. 23 The shenanigans
of these faulty assumptions 24 consequently lead to equally flawed
conclusions. 25
Without a thorough examination of contemporary political history of post
independence Somalia, 26 Dr. Megalommatis offers an over simplistic view of
3. the situation. 27 The union of the two former colonies 28 failed to develop a
cohesive national identity. 29 The Somali creed is culturally, socially,
ethnically, linguistically, and religiously a homogeneous society is a
misnomer 30 that no is longer applicable. 31 The same thing applies to the
outdated misconception that "the unity, the sovereignty, the territorial
integrity, and the national independence of Somalia is sacrosanct." 32 May I
draw to the attention of the distinguished professor that the nations of the
Arab League are homogeneous if culture, religion, language, and ethnicity 33
are the only criteria determining the characteristics of a unitary state? 34 The
Somalis do not fit into that category. 35
The withdrawal of Somaliland from an ill-fated union 36 with Somalia is one
of the latent symptoms of a much deadlier epidemic that fragmented and
eventually consumed the Somali polity. 37 As a minimum, the Somali crisis
merits an objective analysis of the causes in order to postulate a realistic
conflict resolution programme. 38 The Egyptian government views 39 the
unity of the old Somali Republic as a bulwark against any Ethiopian efforts 40
to divert the waters of the River Nile. This adds an unsettling new dimension
41 to an already volatile region. 42
For the benefit of the professor, the chronicles of the unitary Somali State will
shed some light on this issue.
To be continued...
Ahmed Ali Ibrahim Sabeyse
Comments
16. This is true, but it reveals Mr. Sabeyse’s erroneous assumptions. Never did
Egypt imagine asking Somalia’s help in case of a war with Abyssinia. And I
never suggested anything of the sort. So, Mr. Sabeyse’s position consists in a
labyrinthine aberration. He first assumes something erroneous that never
happened (Egypt’s consideration of Somalia as a counterweight), and then
concludes that this would not be among the interests of the Somalis. This
reveals only the terrible scare of the Abyssinians, who managed to project
their fear onto the inexperienced author.
Egypt, Abyssinia and Somalia – a scenario
Mr. Sabeyse is relatively naïve. If Egypt truly wanted to use Somalia as a
counterweight to Abyssinia, in order to keep that country busy with a conflict
and unable to supposedly focus on the Nile politics, this would be easily
done. It would not take much effort or money to unite forces in the Somali
South or North-East, and drive them to Hargeysa, without frail Abyssinia
being able to do anything. If Egypt had had an interest in this regard, this
4. scenario would have taken place already in the 90s. Then, a united Somalia
would have triggered further trouble in Ogaden, and the decomposition of
the Abyssinian relic of tyranny would have been complete. Simply, all this
corroborates what I have said in previous articles, namely that Egypt is rather
focused on the Arab League, and the Middle East, and has expressed minimal
concern for the Horn of Africa region.
17. Somaliland is not a post-conflict society; re-united Somalia will be a post-
conflict society. Somaliland was not exposed to civil war, because it seceded
in 1990. There was no 'conflict' in Somalia before 1990, either in the South or
in the area temporarily controlled by Somaliland. Furthermore, the term
‘post-conflict’ societies is rather new, and has at times caused doubts for its
authenticity. In several cases, the 'post-conflict society' is a society in conflict,
as we see it clearly in Afghanistan and in Iraq.
18. Who are you to ask? Can you imagine the citizens of Hamburg or Naples
asking themselves whether they are ‘better off charting their own destiny’?
There is no foundation in any extreme localism like that. It is simply mad and
impossible. Independence and national self-determination is a condition that
fits an individual nation, an ethno-linguistic and religious group. It can be as
small as 50000 (fifty thousand) people; if this small nation is distinct in terms
of culture, religion, historical heritage, origin and language, and if it forms the
majority on the territory that they occupy, then this small nation has the right
to secede and form an independent state.
Contrarily, 11 millions of native Russians living in a particular city or
territory, let’s say the city of Moscow, have no right to secession and
independence, because they share absolutely the same culture, religion,
historical heritage, origin and language with all the other Russians. This
applies all over the world, and the perverse and ominous leaders of the
secessionist Hargeysa establishment have to realize it as soon as possible, and
abandon their futile efforts in view of formal recognition, which has been
diligently prevented first by their mendacious and duplicitous masters, the
Neo-Nazi Abyssinian elite.
Again, I have to advise you not to misread me; I would not oppose a
provisory status -like that of Maakhir- that would be justified by the unclear
character of the developments in the South. Wait peace to be established in
the Somali South, and then merge! This is the correct policy for momentary
establishments, like Puntland, Maakhir and Somaliland.
19. Who are you to say that your destiny will be different? What did you
think that this world might be? Did you think that anybody, who wants to say
'goodbye' to others and says so, becomes an 'independent' country's
‘president’? There must be a national identity for a state to exist; what is
yours? Nothing, except an apostasy from your country, particularly in a
5. moment of difficulty and distress! Great achievement!
Somaliland, the Epitome of Apostasy and Treachery
Even worse, Somaliland cannot exist, irrespective of what may happen to
Somalia. A nation exists only if it genuinely represents its historical heritage.
To possibly justify its claim to be a Somali state, Somaliland must shape a
deeply anti-Abyssinian policy, and set as objective the direct and irreversible
dismemberment of Abyssinia, and the subsequent liberation of the oppressed
and tyrannized nations that have been entangled therein, contrarily to their
will.
20. The 'unity' cannot be dysfunctional; perhaps a state can be dysfunctional,
like the backward, undeveloped, impoverished pseudo-state of Abyssinia.
However, the statement that, during the period 1960 – 1990, Somalia was
dysfunctional is so erroneous, misplaced and nonsensical that no one can
possibly demonstrate that there is a seed of veracity in it. It is totally absurd.
For the entire period 1960 – 1990, all the economic indices of Somalia were far
better and higher than those of (monarchical and after 1974 pro-communist)
Abyssinia. On the contrary, it is the monstrous, criminal tyranny of Abyssinia
(Fake Ethiopia) that constitutes the World History's most dysfunctional state
ever.
A rather small state like Somalia that fights victoriously against another much
larger country, and then faces a nuclear superpower, is by definition a non-
dysfunctional state. I understand that Somalia was not a developed state,
certainly it was not, but no one is justified to characterize it as dysfunctional,
before making a comparison with the neighboring state of Abyssinia, the
epitome of malfunction and dysfunction. If we want to stay close to the facts,
Abyssinia was partly dismembered, following the secession of Eritrea; so,
only on these grounds, we can safely claim that Abyssinia (Fake Ethiopia) is
undisputedly proven as Africa's most dysfunctional state.
And now who says that, even if Somalia 1960 – 1990 had been dysfunctional,
the remedy to the problem would have been the secession of various
unrepresentative parts? It makes no sense!
21. Somaliland authorities cannot diffuse a most falsified version of History,
because the effort will only turn against them, and help discredit them even
more. The hypothetically 'dysfunctional unity' encompassed NE Somalis,
Central Somalis, and Southern Somalis. No one can 'forget' deliberately all the
other parts of Somalia. The Horn of Africa nation was not a simple story of
the type: 'Hargeysa and Mogadishu'! I guess that the brackets used for the
created term ('southern Somalis') simply express the idiotic animosity of the
Somaliland authorities against the Somalis of the South. After all, this is what
stands at the origin of their effort of 'justification' of their secession: animosity
6. against the other Somalis just because the capital was not located in Hargeysa
or Berbera. That’s pathetic and ludicrous, and it is totally rejected by the
majority of the Somalis who are engulfed in Somaliland. All northern Somalis
cultivate truly fraternal feelings toward all the other Somalis, whom they will
surely meet in a reunited and rehabilitated state. No one doubts about their
Somali patriotism.
It is a shame for a Muslim and a Somali to write such texts!
22. My analysis is uni-dimensional, he says. Yet, he does not specify why.
Even worse, he does not attempt to refute a single point of my articulated
analysis or to rebut any element of my argumentation. And never forget, I
was talking about Somaliland’s impossibility to demand what Kosova had
achieved. Mr. Sabeyse wrote -obeying the orders of his Abyssinian boss- just
to express the Abyssinian subconscious fear of Egypt. What a shame for a
Muslim and a Somali! If anything, Mr. Sabeyse should write about the
millions of tyrannized and oppressed Abyssinian (Amhara and Tigray)
Muslims, who all desire ardently to bring about the dead end of the paranoid
and inhuman Neo-Nazi Tewahedo elites of Abyssinia.
23. Again, not a single proof to substantiate my hypothetical cooperation with
Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It all emanates from the Abyssinian
mental sickness that drives them up to the point of assuming that anyone,
who lives in a foreign country, may be associated with that country's Ministry
of Foreign Affairs. It's a matter of mental deficiency; nothing more.
24. There is no faulty assumption, as long as Mr. Sabeyse fails to compose a
serious text, putting one of my sentences in brackets, explaining the mistake,
which might be therein included, and pointing out the possible reasons of it.
However, like his uneducated and barbaric masters whose universities are
filthy realms of dark ignorance, pathetic lies, non-academic methodology and
irrelevant argumentations, Mr. Sabeyse never learned what a 'text' means; he
never heard of semantics, semiotics, and linguistics. And ignorant as he is, he
writes to get the monthly pay from the Abyssinian services who hired him.
They pathetically believe that 'writing' merely signifies making absurd
comments, because absurdity and paranoia is all they have known in their
lives; and Mr. Sabeyse writes in this way in order not to be fired.
25. The barbaric and pathetic Abyssinian debteraw (monks), who are not able
to read their own 'holy' books that are written in Gueze (Ge’ez), have indeed
imposed tyrannically (among the Amhara and Tigray Abyssinians first) a
paranoid education for which anyone can say any lie and any falsehood just
because this might serve the criminal objective of the survival of their
inhuman culture of darkness. They never understood that all their texts and
words are gone with the wind, unsubstantiated as they are. Their poor
students from Hargeysa try to imitate them, thus gravely de-Somalizing
7. themselves up to the point of reproducing the Abyssinian pathetic and racist
sub-culture.
This sub-culture is what stands behind Mr. Sabeyse’s term 'flawed conclusion'
as regards my earlier article. He fails to understand that, as long as he does
not display an effort to demonstrate what specific excerpt of mine consists in
a 'flawed conclusion' (and for what reason), he simply proves his complete
impossibility to refute my text and conclusion.
26. Why on earth should I write on Modern Political History of Somalia, since
my topic was a mere comparison between Kosova and Somaliland?
27. As long as Mr. Sabeyse does not present a possible analysis of my view, he
has no grounds to call it 'over-simplistic'. This is just name-calling!
The Anti-Somali and Un-Somali Nature of the Somaliland puppets
28. 'The two former colonies': this statement is ridiculous. However, it
highlights very well why Somaliland authorities should be eradicated from
Somalia; because they are all Anti-Somali. The essence of the statement
reveals a clear willingness to intentionally undermine the great and illustrious
History of Somalia.
This for a Somali (either living in Somaliland, Maakhir, Puntland or the
Somali South) is called high treason.
This is the epicenter of the problem triggered by the existence and the
unrepresentative government of the Anti-Somali authorities of Somaliland.
Certainly, the original concept is that anytime anywhere there cannot be a
secessionist state within the same nation; but the formation of an anti-national
and anti-patriotic state is an extreme shame for any country.
Who could imagine a possible, second Italian state, for instance a secessionist
state in Calabria, which would reject all the historical values and principles of
Italy, and would thus make of itself a vassal of … Libya?
If this sounds incredible, so absurd is Mr. Sabeyse's shameful and utterly
immoral effort to reduce his country's and nation's 4 millennia long History to
just some decades of colonial administration preceding the independence and
the civil war.
In fact, there were never 'two former colonies'; there was always a great
national and cultural space, more recently named Somalia (earlier also known
as Azania and Punt), which was peremptorily colonized by Italy and Britain,
That is all! That division was meaningless and insignificant for the most noble
and most ancient history of Somalia.
8. 29. An incredible paroxysm of the liars! Somalia did not fail to form a
cohesive national identity; this is what pleased the Somaliland authorities to
say; if they don't say this, they obliterate -by themselves- their reason of
existence.
30. Another ridiculous and totally unsubstantiated statement! Mr. Sabeyse
quite ignorantly assumes that there is no Somali homogeneity at the cultural,
social, linguistic, ethnic, and religious level. He cannot prove anything in this
regard, and that's why he does not expand.
The statement is totally erroneous. If taken in absolute terms, then there is no
homogeneity already within the illegal borders of Somaliland. If taken in
relative terms, then certainly there is homogeneity among all the Somalis,
either they live in Djibouti, Somaliland, Ogaden, Maakhir, Puntland, the
Somali South, and Kenya. In the same way there is homogeneity in Germany,
Sweden, Yemen and Sri Lanka.
If Mr. Sabeyse wants, we can expand in this regard, making extensive
comparisons between Italy and Somalia. The differences between Napoli and
Milano are far greater than the dissimilarities between Mogadishu and
Hargeysa. And Palermo is more unrelated to Venice than Jigjiga is irrelevant
to Garowe. In fact, Somali homogeneity is undisputed and unmatched –
particularly if we compare the Horn of Africa country with disparate and
incongruent Abyssinia.
We will complete the refutation of Mr. Sabeyse’s un-Somali and Anti-Somali
text in a forthcoming article.
Note
Picture: Somalis, depicted before ca. 3500 years on the walls of Hatshepsut’s
mortuary temple at Deir al Bahari, Western Thebes - Luqsor, highlight four
millennia of Egyptian – Somali relationship.
By Prof. Dr. Muhammad Shamsaddin Megalommatis
Published: 4/12/2008