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Invited paper read at
‘Under One Sky’ – the IAU Centenary Symposium S349
Vienna, Austria, 29 August 2018
Meghnad Saha:
Work, life, and times
Rajesh Kochhar
Mathematics Department, Panjab University
Chandigarh160014 India
rkochhar2000@gmail.com
• It is no coincidence that IAU and the Saha
ionization formula are about the same age.
Both events are related to World War 1, and
connected with Germany, though in entirely
different ways.
• By the 1910s, a vast amount of data on solar
and stellar spectra had been obtained and a
meaningful empirical spectral classification
scheme devised. It was inevitable that sooner
or later theoretical basis for it would be found.
• History chooses the hour; and the hour
produces the hero. The only surprise was that
the hour was seized not by any established
research centre in the West but by a far-off
Calcutta which was nowhere on the world
research map.
• Meghnad Saha (1893-1955) set out his theory
in a number of papers published in British
journals during 1920-1921. The work was
immediately recognized as laying the
foundation of quantitative astrophysics.
• Saha’s first two papers, including the one that
gave the ionization formula, were published
before he left for Europe for the first time.
Much to his annoyance, an impression
persisted in the West that Saha did his pioneer
work while in England, implying that ‘an
Indian was incapable of making breakthrough
discoveries without western training or
western assistance’.
• By this time, Indians had come to view
cultivation of modern science as an extension
of the nationalist movement. The part-time
vice-chancellor of Calcutta University (1906-
1914), Sir Asutosh Mookerjee, otherwise a
high court judge, collected money from fellow
Indians for establishing a College of Science
for research and post-graduate teaching. The
College became functional in 1916
• Saha passed his MSc in ‘mixed mathematics’
in 1915 from the Presidency College Calcutta.
[SN] Bose (of Bose-Einstein statistics, 1924)
was his class fellow. Both were appointed
lecturers in mathematics in 1916 in the College
of Science, but transferred to physics
department the next year, where for the time
being there were no professors. They had not
studied advanced physics as students. But now
they learnt it from German-language books to
be able to teach their students.
• In the process both of them became
renowned researchers.
• Though they were part of the
British Empire, professionally
they were children of
Germany.
• In an era where most higher educational positions
in India were filled by ‘third-rate Scotsmen’,
Bengal was fortunate to benefit from extended
services of a versatile and dedicated European
scientist and book lover who made India his
home for reasons of health (TB). Paul Johannes
Brühl (1855-1935) was born in the village Weifa
in Bautzen district of Sachsen state in Germany
He arrived in Bengal in 1881, and was physics
professor in Bengal Engineering College (1887-
1912); registrar of Calcutta University (1913-
1918); and then professor of botany (1918-1928).
• In 1914, Brühl planned to leave Indi and migrate
to England for botanical research at Kew, but
could not leave Calcutta because of the outbreak
of war. He had a very fine collection of books
which he made available to Saha and Bose. They
read among others works by Maxwell and
Boltzmann as well as the more recent ones such
as Planck’s Vorlesungen über die Theorie der
Wärmestrahlung (1906) and von Laue’s
Relativitatsprinzip (1911). According to Bose,
Brühl himself had not read most of the physics
books he owned. Why did he get them and how?
• In 1914 DM Bose was appointed University
professor and given two-year scholarship to go
to Europe. He had to remain in Berlin for the
duration of the war. His internment was a
godsend for Indian physics. He remained
active in research and returned with the latest
German publications which he made available
to, and discussed with, Saha and Bose. Among
his books was the 26 April 1918 special issue
of Naturwissenschaften, a Festschrift on
Planck’s 60th birthday.
• In 1920 Saha and Bose published the world’s
first-ever English translation of Einstein and
Minkowski’s papers on relativity, written
during 1905-1916. Reviewing it, Nature wrote
in 1922 that it ‘will be of service to those who
are unfamiliar with German, and wish to
grapple with the pioneer works, some of which
are rather inaccessible’.
• The inaccessibility was due to the war.
Restoration of full European scientific activity
and knowledge exchange would take some
years. During this short period, India became
inheritor of German theoretical physics
scholarship and extended it further. Physics
was young then. With research papers, text
books, and popular accounts complementing
one another, it was easy to identify
outstanding research problems.
• Both Saha and Bose were mathematically
well-equipped to address and solve them. Saha
learnt about the spectral confusion from Agnes
Mary Clerke’s 1903 Problems in Astrophysics,
while Bose could immediately see the inner
inconsistency in the derivation of Plank’s Law
and set out to impart rigour to it.
• On this count, he fell out with the head of the
department CV Raman and moved to
Allahabad University in 1923. He now turned
to USA for a grant to set up a spectroscopic
lab. The grant might have been forthcoming if
Raman had not given a negative report to
Millikan on Saha’s experimental abilities.
• We have here at work what may be called the
Sultan’s Harem Syndrome:
• Inmates of a harem compete with one another
to catch the eye of the Sultan, and prevent
others from doing so, the Sultan in this case
being the West. Raman and Saha, both
important Indian science leaders, maintained a
life-long mutually antagonistic relationship.
• Saha had wanted to join government service
but was refused permission because of his
pronounced anti-British stance. For the same
reason, the British government would have
liked the Royal Society to exclude Saha. It
goes to the credit of the Society that it ignored
the pressures and the hints, and elected him a
fellow, in 1927.
• This recognition brought him an annual
research grant of £300 from the Indian
government followed by Royal Society’s grant
of £250 in 1929. But the aid came too late.
The wrong Bose at Como
• Saha was an invitee at the prestigious
international congress of physics held in
Como, Italy, in September 1927, which was
attended by 11 Noble laureates. The other
intended invitee from India was SN Bose, but
the organizers were shocked to discover that a
wrong Bose had landed!
• Bose’s pioneer paper published in Zeitschrift
fuer Physik in August 1924, and translated and
communicated by Einstein, gave the name of
the author as Bose (without initials), Dacca
University, India. However, in his own two
follow-up papers published the next month,
Einstein carelessly calls the author D Bose.
• Apparently the Como organizers picked up the
invitee’s name from Einstein’s paper rather
than Bose’s own. That is how DM Bose came
to Como in place of SN Bose. The
indistinguishable particles obeying Bose-
Einstein statistics are called bosons.
• Seen from Europe of the day, the various
Boses in Bengal were indeed bosons.
• In the peculiar Bengal social hierarchy, his
caste , petty shopkeeper, was ranked low
(though higher that the erstwhile
‘untouchables’). Caste humiliation scarred
Saha for life. Casteism in a rural setting,
which he experienced when he was young,
would not have hurt as much as when it was
practised in Calcutta in the government hostel.
• He was not permitted to eat at the main table nor
allowed to participate in the annual worship of
Sarasvati, the goddess of learning. Perhaps the
upper caste boys, irked by his brilliance, wanted
to show him his place on the social ladder. After
two years of unhappy stay at the hostel, he along
with a handful of his upper-caste friends moved
out to a private mess [board and lodge]. Even half
a century later, he had neither forgotten nor
forgiven.
• In 1952, he was elected member of the first
Indian Parliament from Calcutta where he
defeated a nominee of Nehru’s ruling
Congress Party.
• Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s charismatic Prime
Minister during 1947-1964, had a soft corner
for sophisticated, suave, upper-crust people.
Bitter and angry, confrontational rather than
persuasive, Saha, unlike HJ Bhabha and SS
Bhatnagar, did not become part of big science
under Nehru.
• Normally, an activity begins modestly, reaches
a peak, declines somewhat, and settles on a
plateau. By a fortuitous combination of factors,
Indian physics began at the top, but did not
have the wherewithal to sustain itself; it had no
place to go but down.
• Given his intellectual prowess, teaching
abilities, restlessness, social background, and
political inclinations, Saha remained active
throughout his life in various fields. But at the
end of the day, as far as the world science is
concerned, Saha’s individual brilliance
remained individual.
Thank
you

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Meghnad Saha: Work, life, and times

  • 1. Invited paper read at ‘Under One Sky’ – the IAU Centenary Symposium S349 Vienna, Austria, 29 August 2018 Meghnad Saha: Work, life, and times Rajesh Kochhar Mathematics Department, Panjab University Chandigarh160014 India rkochhar2000@gmail.com
  • 2. • It is no coincidence that IAU and the Saha ionization formula are about the same age. Both events are related to World War 1, and connected with Germany, though in entirely different ways. • By the 1910s, a vast amount of data on solar and stellar spectra had been obtained and a meaningful empirical spectral classification scheme devised. It was inevitable that sooner or later theoretical basis for it would be found.
  • 3. • History chooses the hour; and the hour produces the hero. The only surprise was that the hour was seized not by any established research centre in the West but by a far-off Calcutta which was nowhere on the world research map. • Meghnad Saha (1893-1955) set out his theory in a number of papers published in British journals during 1920-1921. The work was immediately recognized as laying the foundation of quantitative astrophysics.
  • 4. • Saha’s first two papers, including the one that gave the ionization formula, were published before he left for Europe for the first time. Much to his annoyance, an impression persisted in the West that Saha did his pioneer work while in England, implying that ‘an Indian was incapable of making breakthrough discoveries without western training or western assistance’.
  • 5. • By this time, Indians had come to view cultivation of modern science as an extension of the nationalist movement. The part-time vice-chancellor of Calcutta University (1906- 1914), Sir Asutosh Mookerjee, otherwise a high court judge, collected money from fellow Indians for establishing a College of Science for research and post-graduate teaching. The College became functional in 1916
  • 6. • Saha passed his MSc in ‘mixed mathematics’ in 1915 from the Presidency College Calcutta. [SN] Bose (of Bose-Einstein statistics, 1924) was his class fellow. Both were appointed lecturers in mathematics in 1916 in the College of Science, but transferred to physics department the next year, where for the time being there were no professors. They had not studied advanced physics as students. But now they learnt it from German-language books to be able to teach their students.
  • 7. • In the process both of them became renowned researchers. • Though they were part of the British Empire, professionally they were children of Germany.
  • 8. • In an era where most higher educational positions in India were filled by ‘third-rate Scotsmen’, Bengal was fortunate to benefit from extended services of a versatile and dedicated European scientist and book lover who made India his home for reasons of health (TB). Paul Johannes Brühl (1855-1935) was born in the village Weifa in Bautzen district of Sachsen state in Germany He arrived in Bengal in 1881, and was physics professor in Bengal Engineering College (1887- 1912); registrar of Calcutta University (1913- 1918); and then professor of botany (1918-1928).
  • 9. • In 1914, Brühl planned to leave Indi and migrate to England for botanical research at Kew, but could not leave Calcutta because of the outbreak of war. He had a very fine collection of books which he made available to Saha and Bose. They read among others works by Maxwell and Boltzmann as well as the more recent ones such as Planck’s Vorlesungen über die Theorie der Wärmestrahlung (1906) and von Laue’s Relativitatsprinzip (1911). According to Bose, Brühl himself had not read most of the physics books he owned. Why did he get them and how?
  • 10. • In 1914 DM Bose was appointed University professor and given two-year scholarship to go to Europe. He had to remain in Berlin for the duration of the war. His internment was a godsend for Indian physics. He remained active in research and returned with the latest German publications which he made available to, and discussed with, Saha and Bose. Among his books was the 26 April 1918 special issue of Naturwissenschaften, a Festschrift on Planck’s 60th birthday.
  • 11. • In 1920 Saha and Bose published the world’s first-ever English translation of Einstein and Minkowski’s papers on relativity, written during 1905-1916. Reviewing it, Nature wrote in 1922 that it ‘will be of service to those who are unfamiliar with German, and wish to grapple with the pioneer works, some of which are rather inaccessible’.
  • 12. • The inaccessibility was due to the war. Restoration of full European scientific activity and knowledge exchange would take some years. During this short period, India became inheritor of German theoretical physics scholarship and extended it further. Physics was young then. With research papers, text books, and popular accounts complementing one another, it was easy to identify outstanding research problems.
  • 13. • Both Saha and Bose were mathematically well-equipped to address and solve them. Saha learnt about the spectral confusion from Agnes Mary Clerke’s 1903 Problems in Astrophysics, while Bose could immediately see the inner inconsistency in the derivation of Plank’s Law and set out to impart rigour to it.
  • 14. • On this count, he fell out with the head of the department CV Raman and moved to Allahabad University in 1923. He now turned to USA for a grant to set up a spectroscopic lab. The grant might have been forthcoming if Raman had not given a negative report to Millikan on Saha’s experimental abilities.
  • 15. • We have here at work what may be called the Sultan’s Harem Syndrome: • Inmates of a harem compete with one another to catch the eye of the Sultan, and prevent others from doing so, the Sultan in this case being the West. Raman and Saha, both important Indian science leaders, maintained a life-long mutually antagonistic relationship.
  • 16. • Saha had wanted to join government service but was refused permission because of his pronounced anti-British stance. For the same reason, the British government would have liked the Royal Society to exclude Saha. It goes to the credit of the Society that it ignored the pressures and the hints, and elected him a fellow, in 1927. • This recognition brought him an annual research grant of £300 from the Indian government followed by Royal Society’s grant of £250 in 1929. But the aid came too late.
  • 17. The wrong Bose at Como • Saha was an invitee at the prestigious international congress of physics held in Como, Italy, in September 1927, which was attended by 11 Noble laureates. The other intended invitee from India was SN Bose, but the organizers were shocked to discover that a wrong Bose had landed!
  • 18. • Bose’s pioneer paper published in Zeitschrift fuer Physik in August 1924, and translated and communicated by Einstein, gave the name of the author as Bose (without initials), Dacca University, India. However, in his own two follow-up papers published the next month, Einstein carelessly calls the author D Bose.
  • 19. • Apparently the Como organizers picked up the invitee’s name from Einstein’s paper rather than Bose’s own. That is how DM Bose came to Como in place of SN Bose. The indistinguishable particles obeying Bose- Einstein statistics are called bosons. • Seen from Europe of the day, the various Boses in Bengal were indeed bosons.
  • 20. • In the peculiar Bengal social hierarchy, his caste , petty shopkeeper, was ranked low (though higher that the erstwhile ‘untouchables’). Caste humiliation scarred Saha for life. Casteism in a rural setting, which he experienced when he was young, would not have hurt as much as when it was practised in Calcutta in the government hostel.
  • 21. • He was not permitted to eat at the main table nor allowed to participate in the annual worship of Sarasvati, the goddess of learning. Perhaps the upper caste boys, irked by his brilliance, wanted to show him his place on the social ladder. After two years of unhappy stay at the hostel, he along with a handful of his upper-caste friends moved out to a private mess [board and lodge]. Even half a century later, he had neither forgotten nor forgiven.
  • 22. • In 1952, he was elected member of the first Indian Parliament from Calcutta where he defeated a nominee of Nehru’s ruling Congress Party. • Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s charismatic Prime Minister during 1947-1964, had a soft corner for sophisticated, suave, upper-crust people. Bitter and angry, confrontational rather than persuasive, Saha, unlike HJ Bhabha and SS Bhatnagar, did not become part of big science under Nehru.
  • 23. • Normally, an activity begins modestly, reaches a peak, declines somewhat, and settles on a plateau. By a fortuitous combination of factors, Indian physics began at the top, but did not have the wherewithal to sustain itself; it had no place to go but down.
  • 24. • Given his intellectual prowess, teaching abilities, restlessness, social background, and political inclinations, Saha remained active throughout his life in various fields. But at the end of the day, as far as the world science is concerned, Saha’s individual brilliance remained individual.